View full-textĪu XVIIe siècle, l’intérêt de l’Europe, et de la France en particulier, pour le reste du monde, va croissant. Therefore, by situating this discussion within the context of an international, comparative study we gain valuable insights into the ways that this discourse has been framed by cultural, linguistic, and policy factors in both the United States and Germany. This research builds on the long tradition of scholarship on “qualities of leadership” that is well-established in English-speaking countries. Which kinds of issues and concerns arise for women who might aspire to positions of educational leadership? How do both individual as well as institutional constraints color their perceptions and aspirations? What have the experiences been of women who are successfully forging career paths as school administrators? These questions inform the following presentation in which we provide selected results from a Trans-Atlantic research partnership. Therefore it is both good policy as well as of particular social significance to look at the current situation of women who aspire to positions of school leadership in light of the traditional institutional structures that have defined their vocation. For this reason it makes sense paying greater attention to this “little noticed subset among those women leaders who are gladly heralded as illustrative” Kansteiner-Schänzlin (2004: 7). This is also true in regard to school leadership, arguably one of the most significant and influential realms that contributes to future social development. However, in Germany, women still remain considerably under-represented among leadership positions in all major social spheres. A primary example is the Amsterdam Agreement of 1998 that established “Gender Mainstreaming,” and thereby equalization of the conditions for men and women in all domains, as an officially endorsed principle of European politics (Bergmann & Pimminger 2004).
© Conseil pour le développement de la recherche en sciences sociales en Afrique, 2010.Ī new, greater focus on gendered aspects of the modernization process has become de rigueur in social science research as well as in politics. Protests against the State and its censorship of public space, from the 1970s to the late 1990s, can be analyzed in the context of an attempt to develop an alternative popular culture, from the Front Culturel, to film (Sembène)and the independent artists of the Village des Arts and Agit-Art. As of the 1980s, the cultural scène was typified by informality, a spirit of making do, the abolition of the representation and distance so dear to Senghor, and the multiplication and de-territorialization of cultural initiatives. Under Abdou Diouf and Abdoulaye Wade, cultural generosity was faced with an economic reality characterized by the depletion of resources. According to Senghor's philosophy, 'everything is culture' and 'all states assign to cultural policy the vocation of expressing and forging a national identity, exploiting the mythical-historical vein, embodied in cultural institutions that are intended, created and maintained by the public authorities'. The ultimate evaluation of their contribution to the consolidation of democracy hinges at least in part on our conceptualization of democracy itself.This article traces the uneven progress of the arts and culture in Senegal under the rule of Senghor, the President-poet-philosopher, then his successors Abdou Diouf and Abdoulaye Wade, over the period running from independence to the troubled times of Structural Adjustment, little suited to cultural action. The article concludes that while procedurally religious actors are playing an important role in the development of the democratic system in Senegal, substantively they are doing so in part by calling into question some understandings of what democracy entails. A discussion of the interactive relationship between religious change and the transition to democracy over the course of the 1990s leads us to an analysis of the role of religious actors in debating the substantive content of Senegalese democracy in the decade that followed. It examines the transformations in their political influence from pillars of the stable (but non-democratic) post-independence state, to a more ambiguous posture in the decade of democratic opening. This article analyzes the role of religious actors at different stages in the long and gradual processes of democratization in Senegal.
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